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The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects, by Leon Trotsky
Download PDF The Permanent Revolution & Results and Prospects, by Leon Trotsky
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Review
Back in the USA: Red Letter Press reissues Trotsky s Permanent Revolution by Adrienne Weller On the 70th anniversary of Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky's death, his book The Permanent Revolution is again available for U.S. readers. "It is an indispensable guide for modern revolutionaries," writes feminist anti-Nazi organizer Luma Nichol, author of a new introduction. The theory of permanent revolution postulates that unstoppable rebellion in all the cultural, economic and social spheres of humanity will press forward until classless society becomes a reality and nobody is left behind. That only the working class has the power to carry out the revolutionary effort to accomplish this. And that the most oppressed of that class have the strongest motive to lead the charge. The Freedom Socialist Party pioneered in refining and applying this leadership element of Trotsky's analysis. Nichol writes, "Socialist feminism was born among the explosive demands in the 1960s for civil rights, gay pride and women s liberation. To the bottom-line socialist pledge of support for the movements of the oppressed, socialist feminism adds the leadership of the most oppressed." The concept of permanent revolution recognizes the audacity and perseverance of these irreplaceable warriors as pivotal to the working-class thrust for power. Women, now the majority of the international working class, have already moved to the forefront of the fight for human liberation. People of color, immigrants and queers are sparking upsurge around the globe. Trotsky emphasized that to win human liberation, the steadfast struggle must aim for international socialism, and not settle for so-called socialism in one country. Life has also borne out this key aspect of the theory. Russia and China have degenerated backward to capitalism, bringing misery to the majority of their peoples. Attempts at mixing capitalist and socialist economies, such as in Nicaragua and Venezuela, produce governments hostile to the working class. Bold movements in the U.S. during the '60s and '70s won ground but are now under siege. Global militants need unflinching leaders, not collaborators striving to co-exist with a capitalist ruling class. The Freedom Socialist Party's press reprinted this essential Marxist classic because it was allowed to go out of print in the United States by the Socialist Workers Party, which renounced the theory of permanent revolution in the 1980s. New features include an index and a glossary of historical and biographical references and political terms invaluable for today 's readers. For all who have organized groups, protests, and marches and watched progress slide back, this is your book. For those who wonder how the fight for fundamental change can surge forward, this is your book! --Freedom Socialist newspaper, October 2010
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About the Author
Leon Trotsky (1879-1940) was a Bolshevik revolutionary and major theorist of Marxism. He was one of the key leaders of the 1917 Russian Revolution, second only to V.I. Lenin in political importance.
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Product details
Paperback: 336 pages
Publisher: Red Letter Press; Revised edition (July 1, 2010)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0932323294
ISBN-13: 978-0932323293
Product Dimensions:
5.2 x 0.8 x 8.2 inches
Shipping Weight: 14.4 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
4.7 out of 5 stars
8 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#774,075 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
Leon Trotsky was undoubtedly the greatest mind that ever contributed to the socialist movement. His concept of 'permanent revolution' was developed by Karl Marx, and next to Trotsky, Cuba's Che Guevara was its greatest component. Guevara became a martyr to the cause; Trotsky was expelled from Russia by Stalin because of it. He saw the bureaucracy of Stalinism as the bane of the revolution, and a century later we must agree. Trotsky migrated to Mexico where he continued to write works of historical significance. Eventually he was silenced by Stalin's assassins, but his works remain as a testament to his genius.His biggest detriment was his tunnel vision in regard to global politics. His life in Russia made him believe that socialism was the only true solution to imperialism and economic inequality. In this work, he never explores the possibility of capitalism providing the socioeconomic development as in America. Instead he belabors the bourgeois European society and its failing. He uses it as a paradigm to show how global socialism is the only solution for economic instability and political turmoil.Despite this, his work provides a plumb line in comparing the true principles of socialism to the failing systems that have fallen short of Trotskyite standards. If anything, it is a valuable work that provides a glimpse into one of the most influential minds of the 20h century.
Trotsky is a brilliant man, and a great writer. The work is an example of the blueprint he would have followed had he not lost the power struggle with that thug Stalin.
Many people who consider themselves "Trotskyists," a term which has less and less meaning in today's world, view that Trotsky's theory of the permanent revolution is his most important contribution to Marxist thought. It's worth noting that during the four World Congresses of the Communist International held during Lenin's lifetime, no one ever discussed the theory either pro or con. The Comintern publishing house published Results and Prospects in different languages, but they also published works by Lenin that took a different approach. It's uncertain if Lenin ever read Results and Prospects. He mentioned it, but never quoted from it. Many revolutionaries who usually read Trotsky didn't, since Trotsky published it in a book that mostly contained already published material, along with this, which was new. Plus, most of the first printing fell into Tsarist hands.Was Trotsky more correct than Lenin? First, about what? They both agreed that the working class, not the bourgeoisie would lead the revolution. They both agreed on the international character; Lenin didn't even think a deep going bourgeois-democratic revolution could last without help from the workers of the major imperialist powers. Lenin was more correct on the agrarian question, one of the most important questions in a largely peasant country. He was correct on the organization question. Trotsky thought you could just be a member of the RSDLP, without taking sides, calling for unity of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, and that you could have a loose structure. Lenin already saw the soviets as the future organs of state power. Despite his outstanding role in the St. Petersburg soviet in 1905, Trotsky didn't see this. Was Trotsky correct on the class character of the revolution? Only if you think it was possible to be certain in the aftermath of the 1905 revolution. I don't.Much of the leadership of the July 26 Movement considered themselves communists, but they didn't advance a socialist program. Because they were dishonest? Because they were Stalinists? Neither! They didn't know for certain how thing would turn out, but a revolutionary democratic program was correct, given the backwardness of most of the country. They didn't have any theory viewing the socialist character of the revolution as a given, and neither did they have a theory that it was impossible. Before even coming to power, the Cubans started carrying out their radical program (see Women in Cuba: The making of a revolution within the revolution. From Santiago de Cuba and the Rebel Army, to the birth of the Federation of Cuban Women).Was a socialist revolution possible in south Africa? I think it's clear that only a bourgeois-democratic revolution was (see The Coming Revolution in South Africa (New International no. 5)). South Africa was not yet a nation; it was different categories of people with different rights or lack thereof. Under different circumstances internationally, a socialist revolution might have rapidly followed, but instead, you now have Africans as capitalists and government bureaucrats, and striking miners have been shot.Trotsky's theory was revolutionary, unlike Stalin's placing a brick wall between the democratic and socialist revolutions, but with an ultraleft bias, as pointed out by Jack Barnes in Their Trotsky and Ours. And while Trotsky's theory only had such a bias, in the hands of various sectarians who call themselves "Trotskyist," the ultraleftism became rampant.The Permanent Revolution, the other part of the book, was written in response to a polemic by Karl Radek while he was still a member of the Left Opposition. While Radek had always opposed Trotsky's theory, he clearly wrote this polemic to get in the good graces of Stalin, and as such, it was an attack on the Left Opposition, which Radek was soon to leave. Trotsky answered Radek, and unfortunately defended his old theory, which he had not previously raised at any point since joining the Bolsheviks. Even on tactical grounds, this was a big mistake. It placed Trotsky as having been opposed to Lenin, instead of placing the two of them in opposition to Stalin's opportunism.The two works in this book are of historical importance, and every revolutionary should read them, but they should also read critiques. In addition to Their Trotsky and Ours, it is useful to read some of the works of Joseph Hansen, former secretary to Trotsky. Without his contributions on the workers and farmers government, the Barnes critique could never have been written. In regard to this, Hansen's essential works include The Workers' and Farmers' Government and Dynamics of the Cuban Revolution: A Marxist Appreciation.Also relevant is the debate between Doug Jenness and Ernest Mandel entitled Bolshevism and the Russian Revolution, although I'm personally not too impressed with either of them in this particular debate.If it was so important, why is there only one short reference to the theory of permanent revolution in all the resolutions and discussions in Founding of the Socialist Workers Party: Minutes and Resolutions, 1938-39? In all of Cannon's published writings, I found only one reference to the theory of permanent revolution. Don't get me wrong; I'm not suggesting he had a disagreement with it, only that he was able to explain his ideas on the world very well without mentioning it. You will find it discussed in a lot of Hansen's writings, but Hansen, although unaware of it, was actually undermining the theory. Shortly after the publication of Barnes' critique, the majority of the Fourth International, voiding a whole number of past resolutions, declared that a workers and farmers government had never existed anywhere!Most importantly, read Trotsky's most important works, including History of the Russian Revolution,The Revolution Betrayed,The Third International after Lenin, In Defense of Marxism: The Social and Political Contradictions of the Soviet Union, and The Struggle against Fascism in Germany (Merit), among many more.
Trotsky's writings are now well established in our literary cannon; however, "Results and Prospects" and "The Permanent Revolution" are two short works that usually are left out-- to the detriment of our political understanding of the Bolshevik movement, the course of the Russian Revolution, and the ideology that informed (and still might inform) revolutionary socialism.Results and Prospects was written shortly after the 1905 Russian Revolution, which succeeded (after brutal Czarist repression) in establishing a conciliatory liberal parliamentary government-- the Duma. Trotsky, along with his interlocutors Lenin and Luxemburg, analyzed the revolution in the spirit of Marx in the revolutions of 1848 and 1871 (the Paris Commune), to learn the lessons of the revolution and the potential for further emancipatory change--hence the title, results and prospects. The small book establishes two main points: first, in Russia a liberal revolution must necessarily be followed by proletarian revoltion or else it soon must be followed by a period of reaction; second, a revolution in Russia will fail if it does not ignite a revolution across the (at the time) 'developed' world--Western Europe. These arguments will be developed and practiced in the revolutionary Marxism of Trotsky, Lenin and Luxemburg through the Russian Revolution. Most importantly, they clear up many misconceptions about Trotsky's theory of revolution.The Permanent Revolution was written much later, following the Bolshevik Revolution, and was addressed specifically to incipient revolutionary struggles in the backwards countries in Asia that were supported early on by the Third International (before being subverted by Stalinism).At the end of the day, this edition is timely and well put together. The font is a little awkward, unfortunately. The essays by Lowy are informative and interesting. The overall production is rather tacky, much like Verso's Revolution! series that feature the likes of Mao, Ho Chi Minh, Robespierre, Trotsky and Jesus-- the relation between arbitrary at best. The exhortation by Hugo Chavez on the back, supporting the 'permanent revolution,' is comical considering Chavez clearly has not studied socialist theory or cares to realize even an ounce of their ideals.That Hugo Chavez misrecognizes himself for a Trotsky is an indication that Trotsky should be more widely read and understood by everyone generally interested in Left politics and its history...in other words, the Left's results and prospects for future emancipatory change!
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